The fallacy

The biggest and most dangerous fallacy - if not a lie – regarding the two islands’ issue is that some deliberately intend to divide dispute or quarrel parties into two categories. The first one includes those believing the two islands are Egyptian and that we should stick to our rights in them shouting out loud that land is honor, dignity, and homeland itself. The second, meanwhile, includes those believing the two islands are Saudi and should be returned back. Such differentiation describes the first group as the patriot one we should listen to and worthy to decide the nation’s fate while the second was the one including the traitors who agreed to cede our sovereignty on the two Red Sea islands to Saudi Arabia; meaning they agreed to give away our honor and dignity, and hence we should not listen to them or even let them live on our land.

It’s not the first such incident in our contemporary history, especially after July 1952 revolution. Although History does not repeat itself, its incidents sometimes may look alike giving the same moral. Almost the same false arguments and dissemination took place at the time of the Anglo-Egyptian agreement of 1954 regarding evacuation of English troops, and even raged after signing and declaring the agreement to the public. Criticism, attack, and even claims of betrayal were leveled at Gamal Abdel Nasser and his fellow Free Officers[1]. No one of those attackers, who behaved as symbols of patriotism and honor and considered themselves the sage philosophers and genius professors of law and diplomacy of all times, paid attention to the efforts exerted by Nasser and the experts and scientists; members of the negotiating delegation, not even to the objective circumstances governing the negotiation atmosphere along with all the tiny specific details connected to the case. Nasser was then-Prime minister and head of the Egyptian delegation in negotiation. He was accompanied by Abdel Hakim Amer[2], Abdel Latif al-Bughdadi[3], Salah Salem[4], and Mahmoud Fawzi[5]. The agreement included thirteen articles in addition to other annexes and attachments. However article no. 12, which included three clauses, was the one under heavy attack.

The first clause in article no. 12 stipulated that: this agreement shall be effective for a period of seven years as of signing date. The second: the two governments shall negotiate during the last twelve months of the agreement’s effective period to decide all necessary measures that should be taken at the end of the agreement. The third clause: this agreement is rendered ineffective after seven years starting as of the signing date, and government of the United Kingdom shall transfer or take action regarding what is left of its proprieties in the Suez base at that time unless the two governments agree on extending this agreement. The fourth article also received fierce attack of betrayal claims for it has stipulated: “in the event of an armed attack by some outside power on any state member of the common defense pact of the Arab league signed upon in Cairo on April 13, 1950, or on Turkey at the signing of this agreement, Egypt shall provide to the United Kingdom all that is necessary to prepare the base for war and guarantee its effective management. Such facilitating measures include using the Egyptian ports within limits specified by ultimate urgency for the purposes before mentioned”. Severe criticism and claims of betrayal were directed at Nasser and his fellows accusing them of not expelling the English troops at once and that they gave away Egyptian territory when they agreed to the return of the English troops to the Suez base and Egyptian ports... Days passed and Britain was expelled not only from Egypt but also from the history of big nations after the Tripartite Aggression of the Suez Crisis on 1956 took place, in addition, the agreement was declared null and void.

Another example of such incident was when Egypt signed the agreement acknowledging Sudan’s right in self-determination provided that full self-governance in Sudan should start at once. It was on November, 1952. At that time, attackers claimed that July 1952 revolution had given away the Egyptian territory as they considered Sudan part of it, and called Nasser a traitor for he has agreed to give the Sudanese the right to decide their fate. Until our present time, some still refer any problem arising between Egypt and Sudan to that so-called giving away by Nasser and the July revolution.

All those hurling criticism, now and before, forgot what Nasser and the July revolution did when they called for the right of people to decide their fate and that freedom of countries is inseparable of that of people. They forgot that Nasser outshined in the whole world through two consecutive decades because he was one of the pioneers calling for national liberation. They also forgot that Egypt stood for the right of Third World countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America to liberate.

Turning back to Tiran and Sanafir issue, I stop by those who made such ugly dissemination and say – ignoring for the first time names and lines written, including someone pretending to be the philosopher of all times – I think we should now focus on two issues. First, we should let our parliament fully take up its role as to debating the accord of outlining the Egyptian-Saudi maritime borders as per all criteria of precision in order to come out with the right decision. The second is to avoid any aftermath that may affect our relation with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and our brother Arabs in states of the Gulf Cooperation Council for I believe the siege imposed on our country from all sides; west, east, north, and south, requires that we should keep good relations with our direct eastern neighbor who did not hesitate to stand by our side at the darkest moments because our neighbor believes that Egypt collapse would eventually lead to his, sooner or later.

In my opinion, it’s not a matter of sticking to land or giving it away, nor a matter of betrayal or patriotism, but rather a matter of wrong or right judgment. The first lacks multi-sided justified causes while the second depends heavily on those justified causes. Nasser signed the Anglo-Egyptian agreement of evacuation on 1954, and before that al-Nahhas Pasha[6] signed the Anglo-Egyptian treaty of 1936, and time was enough for Egypt to overcome what was not in her favor.

Translated into English by: Dalia Elnaggar

This article was published in Al Ahram newspaper on April 21, 2016.

To see the Arabic article, go to:

http://ahmadelgammal.blogspot.com.eg/2016/04/blog-post_20.html

#alahram #ahmed_elgammal #Egypt #july_23 #1952 #gamal_abdel_nasser #Sudan #Tiran #sanafir

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[1] The Free Officers: (Arabic: حركة الضباط الأحرار‎) were a group of nationalist officers in the armed forces of Egypt and Sudan that instigated the Egyptian Revolution of 1952. It operated as a clandestine movement of junior officers during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. Muhammad Naguib joined the Free Officers in 1949, after the war, and became their official leader during the turmoil leading up the revolution because of the hero status he had earned during the war, and his influence in the army. (Source: Wikipedia)

[2] Mohamed Abdel Hakim Amer: (Arabic: محمد عبد الحكيم عامر‎) (11 December 1919 – 14 September 1967) was an Egyptian general and political leader. (Source: Wikipedia)

[3] Abdel Latif Bughdadi: (20 September 1917 – 9 September 1999) (Arabic: عبد اللطيف البغدادي‎) was an Egyptian politician, senior air force officer, and judge. An original member of the Free Officers Movement which overthrew the monarchy in Egypt in the 1952 Revolution, Bughdadi later served as Gamal Abdel Nasser's vice president. The French author Jean Lacouture called Boghdadi "a robust manager" who only lacked "stature comparable to Nasser's. The two leaders had a fallout over Nasser's increasingly socialist and pro-USSR policies and Bughdadi subsequently withdrew from political life in 1964, although he mended ties with Nasser before the latter's death in 1970. (Source: Wikipedia)

[4] Salah Salem: (Arabic: صلاح سالم‎) (September 25, 1920 – February 18, 1962) was an Egyptian military officer, and politician, and a member of the Free Officers Movement that orchestrated the Egyptian Revolution of 1952. (Source: Wikipedia)

[5] Mahmoud Fawzi: (Arabic: محمود فوزى‎) (19 September 1900 – 12 June 1981) was an Egyptian diplomat and political figure of Circassian origin who was Prime Minister of Egypt from 1970-1972 and Vice President of Egypt from 1972-1974. (Source: Wikipedia)

[6] Mustafa el-Nahhas Pasha or Mustafa Nahhas: (Arabic: مصطفى النحاس باشا‎; June 15, 1879 – August 23, 1965) was an Egyptian political figure. (Source: Wikipedia)

المغالطة الأكذوبة

أكبر وأخطر مغالطة إن لم تكن أكذوبة في مسألة الجزيرتين هي تعمد البعض تقسيم أطراف الحوار والجدل أو الاختلاف والعراك إلى مفرِّطين في الأرض وإلى متمسكين بها.. وطبعا الأرض هي العرض والشرف والكرامة والوطن والوجود وغيرها! وطبعا أيضا سيظهر المتمسكون بالأرض هم الأجدر بالاستماع إليهم والأحق بالحياة في الوطن وتقرير حاضره ومستقبله، إذ كيف لخونة يفرطون في الأرض، أي العرض، أي الشرف والكرامة والوطن، أن يستمع لهم أحد أو أن يعيشوا من الأساس؟!

إنها ليست المرة الأولى في تاريخنا المعاصر، خاصة بعد عام 1952.. أي بعد ثورة يوليو، إذ رغم أن التاريخ لا يعيد نفسه ولا يتكرر إنما تتشابه أحداثه أحيانا وتتماثل دروسه أحيانا أخرى، لأن الجدل نفسه والتقسيم ذاته تقريبًا حدث عند مفاوضات الجلاء، واحتدم بعد توقيع الاتفاق وإعلانه عام 1954، وانهال النقد والتجريح والسباب والتخوين على جمال عبد الناصر والضباط الأحرار، ولم يلتفت الذين تحول كل واحد فيهم إلى نموذج للوطنية والشرف- واعتبر نفسه فيلسوف عصره وحكيم زمانه وعالم علماء عصره في القانون والدبلوماسية- إلى الجهد الذي بذله ناصر ومن معه من خبراء وعلماء وأعضاء في وفد التفاوض، ولا التفتوا إلى الظروف الموضوعية التي حكمت مناخ التفاوض، وإلى آخر ما يتصل بمسألة متخصصة دقيقة.

كان جمال عبد الناصر رئيسا لمجلس الوزراء آنذاك، ورئيسا للوفد المصري في التفاوض، ومعه في الوفد عبد الحكيم عامر وعبد اللطيف البغدادي وصلاح سالم ومحمود فوزي. واشتملت الاتفاقية على ثلاث عشرة مادة، ولها ملاحق ومرفقات وانصب الانتقاد والهجوم على المادة الثانية عشرة التي نصت على ثلاث نقاط.

الأولى: يظل هذا الاتفاق نافذا مدة سبع سنوات من تاريخ توقيعه، والثانية: تتشاور الحكومتان خلال الاثني عشر شهرا الأخيرة من تلك المدة لتقرير ما يلزم من تدابير عند انتهاء الاتفاق، والنقطة الثالثة: ينتهي العمل بهذا الاتفاق بعد سبع سنوات من تاريخ التوقيع عليه، وعلى حكومة المملكة المتحدة أن تنقل أو تتصرف فيما قد يتبقى لها وقتئذ من ممتلكات في القاعدة ما لم تتفق الحكومتان المتعاقدتان على مد هذا الاتفاق!

وكانت المادة الرابعة هي الأخرى مثارا للتخوين، لأنها نصت على أنه: "في حالة وقوع هجوم مسلح من دولة من الخارج على أي بلد يكون عند توقيع هذا الاتفاق طرفا في معاهدة الدفاع المشترك بين دول الجامعة العربية الموقع عليها في القاهرة في الثالث عشر من إبريل سنة 1950 أو على تركيا تقدم مصر للمملكة المتحدة من التسهيلات ما قد يكون لازما لتهيئة القاعدة للحرب وإدارتها إدارة فعالة، وتتضمن هذه التسهيلات استخدام الموانئ المصرية في حدود ما تقتضيه الضرورة القصوى للأغراض سالفة الذكر".

انصب الهجوم وأشهر سلاح التخوين ضد عبد الناصر ورفاقه على أساس أنهم لم يطردوا المحتل البريطاني شر طردة ودفعة واحدة وأنهم فرطوا في الأرض المصرية بموافقتهم على عودة بريطانيا إلى القاعدة وإلى الموانئ المصرية! ومضت الأيام وحدث أن طردت بريطانيا ليس فقط من مصر وإنما من تاريخ الدول الإمبراطورية بعد العدوان الثلاثي عام 1956.

وكان المثال الآخر الذي اشتعل فيه العراك واستخدم سلاح التخوين- وربما ما زال الاشتعال مستمرا في أذهان البعض إلى الآن- هو الاتفاقية التي أبرمتها مصر لتقرير مصير السودان، على أن يسبقه قيام الحكم الذاتي الكامل في السودان فورا.

كان ذلك في نوفمبر 1952، وعندها قرر جهابذة الوطنية والحكمة والعلم آنذاك أن ثورة يوليو فرّطت في التراب المصري، باعتبار السودان أحد الأملاك المصرية، وأن عبد الناصر خائن لأنه وافق على تقرير السودانيين لمصيرهم، وإلى الآن هناك من لا يتردد ولا يتورع عن إرجاع أي مشكلة بين مصر والسودان الآن إلى تفريط يوليو وخيانة عبد الناصر! وينسى كل هؤلاء الجهابذة قديما وحاليا أن يوليو وناصر نادوا بحق الشعوب في تقرير مصيرها، وأن حرية الأوطان لا تنفصل عن حرية الشعوب، وأن ناصر لمع في كل العالم وخلال حقبتين متصلتين لأنه كان من رواد التحرر الوطني، وأن مصر وقفت إلى جانب شعوب العالم الثالث في آسيا وإفريقيا وأمريكا اللاتينية!

وأعود إلى قضية جزيرتي صنافير وتيران، وأتوقف ثانية أمام منظري وحكماء توزيع صكوك الوطنية على أساس التمييز بين المفرطين وبين المتمسكين.

وأتجه- في سابقة نادرة- إلى إهمال شخوص وسطور وادعاءات الذين بادروا إلى التهجم- ومنهم من ادعى أنه الفيلسوف الذي نفى كل الفلاسفة عبر التاريخ وأودعهم قمقم النسيان- لأن التركيز الآن فيما أرى يجب أن ينصب على أمرين، الأول: هو أن يؤدي مجلس النواب دوره فيما يتصل باتفاق ترسيم الحدود البحرية المصرية- السعودية أداء سليما تتوافر له وفيه كل معايير الدقة ليأتي قراره صحيحا، والثاني: هو العمل على تلافي أي آثار سلبية تؤثر على علاقتنا بالمملكة العربية السعودية وأشقائنا العرب في دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي، لأن الحصار المضروب من حولنا غربا وشمالا وشمالا بشرق وجنوبا يحتم علينا أن نحافظ على علاقتنا بالجار الشرقي المباشر الذي لم يتردد عن الوقوف معنا في أحلك اللحظات، ليس فقط من أجلنا ولكن لأنه يدرك أن انهيار مصر يؤدي عاجلا أو آجلا إلى انهياره هو الآخر، وفي هذا تفاصيل هائلة ليس هذا مجالها.

إن القضية ليست بين التفريط وبين التمسك، وليست بين الخيانة وبين الوطنية، ولكنها بين التقدير الخاطئ وبين التقدير الصحيح، أولهما يفتقد الاستناد إلى مسوغات واضحة متعددة الجوانب، والثاني يستند استنادا قويا عليها، وهو ما يصدق على مسألة الحدود وعلى مسألة المصالح والعلاقات المصرية العربية والدولية.

لقد أبرم ناصر اتفاقية الجلاء ومن قبله أبرم النحاس المعاهدة، وتكفل الزمن بأن تتجاوز مصر ما لم يكن في صالحها.

نشرت في جريدة الأهرام بتاريخ 21 أبريل 2016

Let's enjoy and daydream

I’m sick of useless arguing over everything… important or trivial… starting from our national causes… territory… Land is honor… International law… rules of setting state borders… extending Camp David accord to include more Arab states… to other trivial matters like the latest face expression of Sisi when he was talking… the citizen who needed to go to the W.C. for he was dying to pee… and many other accounts that exceed empty-meaning disputes into endless squabbles.

I yearned to listen to the words and melodies that we used to chant enthusiastically in the past until our eyes water out of affection. Yearn… a single word but expressive indeed. I couldn’t find another one to describe what I feel. It’s common among all living creatures; humans, animals, plants, and even the non-living. In yearning, you can find hope, pain, love, amiability... you can add whatever you want to the list.

I yearned to listen to our old beautiful national anthem; Eslami ya misr[1], written by Mostafa Saadeq Al-Rafe'ie [2] and composed by Safar Ali[3]. I caught myself repeating:

Be safe, O Egypt; I will sacrifice

There is my hand for you, if the world raised a hand [to hurt you]

Never you shall yield, ever

I am hoping for tomorrow [to be better]

My heart and my determination are with me for strife

And to my heart, O Egypt, you are a faith, in addition to my religion

Safety for you, O Egypt

And peace, O my homeland

If the world threw arrows [at you]

I would shield you by my heart

And be safe in all times[4]

Then I move, heart and soul, to the genius Riad Al Sunbati [5] whom I believe is underestimated until our present time, the one who composed the beautiful poem of the great poet of the Nile Hafez Ibrahim[6]; Egypt speaks about herself[7], for Om Kulthum[8] to sing it. He also composed Misr allati fi Khateri[9] written by Ahmed Ramy[10] and chanted by Om Kulthum, and later composed Touf w Shouf[11] written by Abdel-Fattah Mustafa[12] and again sung by Star of the East; Om Kulthum. Al Sunbati also composed Shams el-Aseel[13] written by Bayram el-Tunsi[14] and chanted again by the legend Om Kulthum.

In “Egypt speaks about herself” poem, we hear the first epic verses:

All people stood, looking how I build the bases of glory alone

And the Pyramids’ builders – long ago – spoke for me at challenge

I am the majesty crown on the head of the East, with its pearls on my necklace

My glory is deep in history, who has a glory like mine!

If God predestined my death, you wouldn’t see the East raising his head after me

No one has attacked me and went unpunished, for long, God’s care is my guard[15]

And now, it’s Ahmed Ramy’s turn… he wrote:

Egypt that I have always in my mind and am whispering her name on my tongue

I love her from all my heart

I wish all those who believe in her glory would love her like I do

You, my fellow Egyptians, who love her more than I do!

And here we come to the epic part… listen to her when she says:

Do not deny her water to the thirsty and feed every mouth from her welfare

I love her for the great stance of her people and noble army

Her army that called for the right of life for all those living over her land

Her army that stood in face of tyrants calling for her rights

And stood, through his great history, in face of oppression and tyranny

O you, all her people, protect her and all who came to her land seeking protection

Defend her so that she can live and stay safe

O Egypt, you cradle of prosperity and land of divine spirit

We will always be loyal and faithful in defending you

Moving from Touf w Shouf to Shams el-Aseel, we find ourselves standing before a divine picture drawn by God… simply, it’s Egypt nature:

Go see the paradise in our land Egypt, go have a look and see

You will find two river banks welcoming you with palm trees in lines rising high to the sky

Go see the smile of our sun giving you the best welcome on our land

Go see the breeze dancing on the Nile wavering surface on the beautiful music of Ney and dafs

Go see the soldiers protecting our glory against any invader

Go see them building with their strong will and determination the renaissance of our country

Those whom our land cherish their steps over her and says those are my sons

They called for freedom and hence people joined and challenged the impossible

Hope turned into work and imagined dreams turned into hard working

Go see… this is the revolution of my country led by Gamal[16]

Now we move from the Nile picture depicted in words of Abdel-Fattah Mustafa to Bayram’s Nile when he wrote:

O Nile, Sunset rays made your palm trees’ foliage turn into golden

A real masterpiece drawn and reflected on your surface, you beautiful Nile

Ney is played on your banks and people are swinging lovingly over its magic melody

With cool breeze passing over your surface

And now we come to another pearl; our national anthem written by Younes el-Kadi[17], composed by Sayed Darwish[18], and later rearranged by Muhammed Abdel Wahab[19]:

O my country

You have all my love and heart

You Egypt, mother of nations

You are my aim and goal

On all living people

Your Nile always had the upper hand

O Egypt, you land of wealth

You had the ancient glory

My purpose is to defend you against your enemies

In this, I depend on God

O Egypt, you most precious pearl

Always standing high throughout your long history

O my country, always live free and safe

And be safe despite enemies

Finally, I say… enough arguing… enough destroying everything… enough spreading ugliness day and night… and let us enjoy and daydream for some time.

Translated into English by: Dalia Elnaggar

This article was published in Almasry alyoum newspaper on April 20, 2016.

To see the Arabic article, go to:

http://ahmadelgammal.blogspot.com.eg/2016/04/blog-post_19.html

#almasry_alyoum#ahmed_elgam

mal#Egypt#Om_Kulthum#Nile#Riad_alsunbati#sayed_darwish#abdelfattah_mustafa#bayram_eltunsi#muhammed_abdelwahab#Egypt_speaks_about_herself#ahmed_ramy#hafez_ibrahim#safar_ali# Mostafa_Saadeq_Al-Rafe'ie#Younis_elkadi#national_anthem

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[1] Eslami ya Misr: ("Be safe, O Egypt"; Arabic: اسلمي يا مصر‎) was the national anthem of Egypt from 1923 to 1936. Written by the Egyptian poet, Mostafa Saadeq Al-Rafe'ie, and the music is composed by Safar Ali. It is adopted currently as the song of the Egyptian Police Academy. (Source: Wikipedia)

[2] Mostafa Saadeq Al-Rafe'ie: (Arabic: مصطفى صادق الرافعي) was an Egyptian poet of Syrian origin, born in Egypt on 1 January 1880, and died in May 1937 in Tanta, Egypt. Mostafa Saadeq Al-Rafe'ie became deaf after contracting typhoid fever. Despite his hearing disability and the fact that he was self-taught, he became one of the most famous Arab poets of the early twentieth century. He composed the words of the Egyptian national anthem Eslami ya Misr, adopted between 1923 and 1936. The words of the Tunisian national anthem are largely the work of Al-Rafe'ie. (Source: Wikipedia)

[3] Safar Ali: (Arabic: صفر علي) (1884 – 1962) an Egyptian composer, participated in establishing the first institute for Arabic music. He composed the old national anthem of Eslami ya misr. (Wikipedia)

[4] This translation of verses is taken from Wikipedia.

[5] Riad Mohammed Al Sunbati: (Arabic: رياض محمد السنباطي) (30 November 1906 – 10 September 1981) is a 20th-century Egyptian composer and musician who is very well known around the Arab world. The number of his lyric works is 539 works in Arab opera, operetta, cinematic and religious song, poem, Taqtouqa and Mawalia. The number of song poets who he composed for is more than 120 poets. He composed for many famous Arab singers like:Umm Kulthum, Asmahan, Warda Al-Jazairia, Najat Al Saghira, Mounira El Mahdeya, Fayza Ahmed, Saleh Abdel Hai, Souad Mohamed, Aziza Jalal (who was the last singer to sing one of his melodies) and others. (Source: Wikipedia)

[6] Hafez Ibrahim: (Arabic: حافظ إبراهيم‎) (1871–1932) was known as the Poet of the Nile, and sometimes the Poet of the People, as his writings were widely revered by ordinary Egyptians. His poetry was often about subjects with which the majority of Egyptians were familiar, such as poverty and the politics of foreign occupation. He was one of several Egyptian poets that revived Arabic poetry during the latter half of the 19th century. While still using the classical Arabic system of meter and rhyme, these poets wrote to express new ideas and feelings unknown to the classical poets. Hafez is noted for writing poems on political and social commentary. (Source: Wikipedia)

[7] Egypt speaks about herself: (Arabic: مصر تتحدث عن نفسها)

[8] Om Kulthum: (Egyptian Arabic: أم كلثوم) on an uncertain date (December 31, 1898 or May 4, 1904) and who died February 3, 1975, was an internationally famous Egyptian singer, songwriter, and film actress active from the 1920s to the 1970s. She is given the honorific title, Kawkab al-Sharq كوكب الشرق ("Star of the East") in Arabic. Known for her extraordinary vocal ability and style, Om Kulthum was one of the greatest and most influential Arab singers of the 20th century. (Source: Wikipedia)

[9] Misr allati fi Khateri: (Arabic: مصر التي في خاطري)

[10] Ahmed Ramy: (Arabic: أحمد رامى‎) (August 9, 1892 - June 5, 1981) was an Egyptian poet, songwriter and translator. He is best known for writing lyrics for the Egyptian singers Umm Kalthoum and Mohammed Abdel Wahab. Rami was also a translator. His works include translations of several of Shakespeare's plays and the quatrains of the Persian poet Omar Khayyám. Ramy also played a leading role in developing the Arabic song, using simple language to express his sublime themes. He was named "Poet of the youth" in recognition of his considerable contributions to the Arabic song. (Source: Wikipedia)

[11] Touf w Shouf: (Arabic: طوف وشوف)

[12] Abdel-Fattah Mustafa: (Arabic: عبد الفتاح مصطفى) (1924 – 1984) was a prominent songwriter and writer of radio series and programs. (Source: Wikipedia)

[13] Shams el-Aseel: (Arabic: شمس الأصيل)

[14] Mahmud Bayram el-Tunsi: (Arabic: بيرم التونسي‎; born in 1893 in Alexandria, Egypt - died 1961) was an Tunisian-Egyptian poet who was exiled from Egypt by the British for his nationalist poetry. Bayram el-Tunsi received his education at religious (Muslim) schools. However, he learned the art of poetry by listening to oral presentations in the form known as zajal. In 1919, the year of the first Egyptian revolution, he began to publish his poetry in the journal Issues. These satirical ballads, based on the traditional zajal form, were critical of both the British occupation and the Egyptian monarchy, which was referred to as a puppet. This led to his exile from Egypt, which he spent in France and Tunisia. El-Tunsi returned to Egypt in 1938, where he continued to publish political poetry. Bayram el-Tunsi coined the term Adab al-iscrif (the literature of rescue) to describe "the successful rejection of external threats, the reorientation and redistribution of power in society, and construction of a strong and independent nation. In addition to zajal, of which Bayram el-Tunsi was considered a master, he was proficient with maqama which he preferred in much of his later output. Among those who have been influenced by Bayram el-Tunsi were Salah Jahin and Ahmed Fouad Negm. (Source: Wikipedia)

[15] Translation is taken from:

 http://blogs.transparent.com/arabic/egypt-speaks-about-herself-%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1-%D8%AA%D8%AA%D8%AD%D8%AF%D8%AB-%D8%B9%D9%86-%D9%86%D9%81%D8%B3%D9%87%D8%A7/

[16] meaning Gamal Abdel-Nasser

[17] Younis el-Kadi: (Arabic: يونس القاضي) (1888 – 1969) writer of the current Egyptian national anthem. He also wrote more than 58 theatre plays having many genres. (Source: Wikipedia)

[18] Sayed Darwish: (Arabic: سيد درويش‎) (17 March 1892 – 15 September 1923) was an Egyptian singer and composer who was considered the father of Egyptian popular music and one of Egypt's greatest musicians and its single greatest composer. Darwish died of a heart attack in Alexandria on 15 September 1923 (aged 31). He is still regarded as a noble and adored figure in Egyptian history. (Source: Wikipedia)

[19] Mohammed Abdel Wahab: (Arabic: محمد عبد الوهاب) (March 13, 1902 – May 4, 1991) was a prominent 20th-century Arab Egyptian singer and composer. (Source: Wikipedia)